India's Recent Tariff on Colombian Coke Leaves a Lesson for All of Latin America
- Lizeth Ortega Cubillosjournalist and digital communication specialist.
India's decision to impose an anti‑dumping tariff of US$118.55 per tonne on Colombian metallurgical coke is not only a heavy blow to one of Colombia's most important industrial export products. It also leaves important lessons for Latin America on how emerging economies are strengthening their industrial policies and defending their trade interests.
The Colombian Case
According to the National Federation of Coal Producers in Colombia (Fenalcarbón), in March 2025, India's Directorate General of Trade Remedies notified the Colombian Government of the initiation of an anti‑dumping investigation into metallurgical coke. However, the trade association stated that Colombian authorities did not carry out a technical defence of the sector's interests, allowing the investigation to conclude with the imposition of this tariff.
In a statement, Carlos Cante, President of Fenalcarbón, described the Government's actions as a case of negligence and omission, and warned that the tariff "is equivalent to about half the commercial value of coke in the Indian market," making it practically impossible to compete in that destination.
"It is unacceptable that the Government remained passive in the face of an investigation that compromised one of the main markets for Colombian coke. The lack of institutional coordination and technical defence ended up delivering the case without opposition, with consequences that companies, workers, and the country will now pay," Cante stated.
Fenalcarbón recalled that India, the world's fourth‑largest economy and one of the fastest‑growing steel markets, had consolidated itself in recent years as one of the main destinations for Colombian coke exports. In 2022 alone, Colombia exported more than 678,000 tonnes of the product to that country, worth over US$163 million.
Metallurgical coke is the main industrial export product derived from metallurgical coal. After a transformation process, it is used in the steel industry for the production of steel and ferroalloys. It currently generates thousands of jobs, especially in the departments of Boyacá, Cundinamarca, and Norte de Santander.
Beyond Coke
Limiting the analysis solely to the economic impact would be insufficient. According to Soraya Caro Vargas, PhD in Political Science and advisor on Asian Geopolitics, this case reflects a much broader reality about how Asian economies are defending their strategic sectors and offers a lesson that Latin America should take into account.
"The main lesson is to observe how in Asia and in emerging countries, the defence of national interests is a priority in which they invest and which is led by the State, because they know their productive fabric in depth and have clearly defined their objectives in terms of local production," she explained.
According to the expert, India's decision is also part of an industrial strategy that the Asian country has been developing for several years.
"India has long wanted to be self‑sufficient. It is a large coal producer, although not of the qualities required by the steel and metalworking industry. At the same time, it has very powerful business leaders who push for the protection of their market. This is part of the industrial policies and neo‑industrialisation that emerging countries are developing," she noted.
In that sense, she believes that Colombia and other Latin American countries should see this episode as an opportunity to strengthen their institutional capacities in trade defence.
"At this moment, Colombia does not have sufficiently competent institutions for the defence of business interests. The reconfiguration of technical teams for trade defence should be a priority for the new Government in Colombia," she stated.
The researcher added that the challenge is not only to react to specific trade measures, but also to build public policies that allow strengthening the national productive apparatus, promoting innovation, and defining more clearly the strategic sectors that each country wishes to protect and develop. For example, the production of biotech‑based goods, the production of raw materials with added value, the production of specialised services, vaccines, and so on.
Looking More Towards Asia
For Caro Vargas, another lesson from this case is the need to broaden our perspective on Asia. "We need to look at Asia. Asia is much more than China," she emphasised.
In her view, strengthening economic relations with countries such as India, South Korea, Japan, Indonesia, and Thailand should become a priority both for Colombia and for Latin American regional integration mechanisms.
In an increasingly competitive international scenario, where emerging economies are strengthening their industrial and trade policies, a better understanding of these partners' strategies will be as important as opening new markets. The Colombian coke case demonstrates that competing internationally no longer depends solely on product quality or demand, but also on the capacity of States to accompany, defend, and project their productive sectors.
The Colombian Case
According to the National Federation of Coal Producers in Colombia (Fenalcarbón), in March 2025, India's Directorate General of Trade Remedies notified the Colombian Government of the initiation of an anti‑dumping investigation into metallurgical coke. However, the trade association stated that Colombian authorities did not carry out a technical defence of the sector's interests, allowing the investigation to conclude with the imposition of this tariff.
In a statement, Carlos Cante, President of Fenalcarbón, described the Government's actions as a case of negligence and omission, and warned that the tariff "is equivalent to about half the commercial value of coke in the Indian market," making it practically impossible to compete in that destination.
"It is unacceptable that the Government remained passive in the face of an investigation that compromised one of the main markets for Colombian coke. The lack of institutional coordination and technical defence ended up delivering the case without opposition, with consequences that companies, workers, and the country will now pay," Cante stated.
Fenalcarbón recalled that India, the world's fourth‑largest economy and one of the fastest‑growing steel markets, had consolidated itself in recent years as one of the main destinations for Colombian coke exports. In 2022 alone, Colombia exported more than 678,000 tonnes of the product to that country, worth over US$163 million.
Metallurgical coke is the main industrial export product derived from metallurgical coal. After a transformation process, it is used in the steel industry for the production of steel and ferroalloys. It currently generates thousands of jobs, especially in the departments of Boyacá, Cundinamarca, and Norte de Santander.
Beyond Coke
Limiting the analysis solely to the economic impact would be insufficient. According to Soraya Caro Vargas, PhD in Political Science and advisor on Asian Geopolitics, this case reflects a much broader reality about how Asian economies are defending their strategic sectors and offers a lesson that Latin America should take into account.
"The main lesson is to observe how in Asia and in emerging countries, the defence of national interests is a priority in which they invest and which is led by the State, because they know their productive fabric in depth and have clearly defined their objectives in terms of local production," she explained.
According to the expert, India's decision is also part of an industrial strategy that the Asian country has been developing for several years.
"India has long wanted to be self‑sufficient. It is a large coal producer, although not of the qualities required by the steel and metalworking industry. At the same time, it has very powerful business leaders who push for the protection of their market. This is part of the industrial policies and neo‑industrialisation that emerging countries are developing," she noted.
In that sense, she believes that Colombia and other Latin American countries should see this episode as an opportunity to strengthen their institutional capacities in trade defence.
"At this moment, Colombia does not have sufficiently competent institutions for the defence of business interests. The reconfiguration of technical teams for trade defence should be a priority for the new Government in Colombia," she stated.
The researcher added that the challenge is not only to react to specific trade measures, but also to build public policies that allow strengthening the national productive apparatus, promoting innovation, and defining more clearly the strategic sectors that each country wishes to protect and develop. For example, the production of biotech‑based goods, the production of raw materials with added value, the production of specialised services, vaccines, and so on.
Looking More Towards Asia
For Caro Vargas, another lesson from this case is the need to broaden our perspective on Asia. "We need to look at Asia. Asia is much more than China," she emphasised.
In her view, strengthening economic relations with countries such as India, South Korea, Japan, Indonesia, and Thailand should become a priority both for Colombia and for Latin American regional integration mechanisms.
In an increasingly competitive international scenario, where emerging economies are strengthening their industrial and trade policies, a better understanding of these partners' strategies will be as important as opening new markets. The Colombian coke case demonstrates that competing internationally no longer depends solely on product quality or demand, but also on the capacity of States to accompany, defend, and project their productive sectors.
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